The schools had been founded in the mid-1960s in response to the desegregation of public schools set in motion by the On June 30, 1971, the United States District Court for the District of Columbia issued its ruling in the case, now In the decades following World War II, evangelicals, especially white evangelicals in the North, had drifted toward the Republican Party—inclined in that direction by general Cold War anxieties, vestigial suspicions of Catholicism and well-known evangelist Billy Graham’s very public friendship with Dwight Eisenhower and Richard Nixon. Never mind the fact that his Republican opponent that year, Ronald Reagan, had signed into law, as governor of California in 1967, the most liberal abortion bill in the country. “I was trying to get these people interested in those issues and I utterly failed,” Weyrich recalled at a conference in 1990.One such school, Bob Jones University—a fundamentalist college in Greenville, South Carolina—was especially obdurate. Sorry, the historical record’s clear: It was segregation.One of the most durable myths in recent history is that the religious right, the coalition of conservative evangelicals and fundamentalists, emerged as a political movement in response to the U.S. Supreme Court’s 1973 This myth of origins is oft repeated by the movement’s leaders. But it is certainly true that evangelicals, having helped propel Carter to the White House four years earlier, turned dramatically against him, their fellow evangelical, during the course of his presidency. You can unsubscribe at any time. This site is protected by reCAPTCHA and the Google In May 1969, a group of African-American parents in Holmes County, Mississippi, sued the Treasury Department to prevent three new whites-only K-12 private academies from securing full tax-exempt status, arguing that their discriminatory policies prevented them from being considered “charitable” institutions. It had worked to rally the leaders, but they needed a different issue if they wanted to mobilize evangelical voters on a large scale.By the late 1970s, many Americans—not just Roman Catholics—were beginning to feel uneasy about the spike in legal abortions following the 1973 In the course of my research into Falwell’s archives at Liberty University and Weyrich’s papers at the University of Wyoming, it became very clear that the 1978 election represented a formative step toward galvanizing everyday evangelical voters. Following initial inquiries into the school’s racial policies, Bob Jones admitted one African-American, a worker in its radio station, as a part-time student; he dropped out a month later. One of the most durable myths in recent history is that the religious right, the coalition of conservative evangelicals and fundamentalists, emerged as a political movement in response to the U.S. Supreme Court’s 1973 Roe v. Wade ruling legalizing abortion. The Friday Cover is POLITICO Magazine's email of the week's best, delivered to your inbox every Friday morning.By signing up you agree to receive email newsletters or alerts from POLITICO. In 1975, again in an attempt to forestall IRS action, the school admitted blacks to the student body, but, out of fears of miscegenation, refused to admit The IRS was not placated. It turns out that the movement can trace its political roots back to a court ruling, but not Roe v. Wade. Although abortion had emerged as a rallying cry by 1980, the real roots of the religious right lie not the defense of a fetus but in the defense of racial segregation. They’ll tell you it was abortion. If he could change that, Weyrich reasoned, their large numbers would constitute a formidable voting bloc—one that he could easily marshal behind conservative causes.“The new political philosophy must be defined by us [conservatives] in moral terms, packaged in non-religious language, and propagated throughout the country by our new coalition,” Weyrich wrote in the mid-1970s. This site is protected by reCAPTCHA and the Google On January 19, 1976, after years of warnings—integrate or pay taxes—the agency rescinded the school’s tax exemption.For many evangelical leaders, who had been following the issue since But Falwell and Weyrich, having tapped into the ire of evangelical leaders, were also savvy enough to recognize that organizing grassroots evangelicals to defend racial discrimination would be a challenge.
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